It is not clear if the provincial status will come before or after the polls. A small force raised by the British to guard Gilgit, ostensibly on behalf of the Kashmir ruler but in fact to serve its administration of the Gilgit Agency, on the frontiers of what was then the Soviet-British Great Game territory, mutinied under the leadership of its commander, Major William Alexander Brown.
Gilgit had been leased to the British by Hari Singh in The British returned it in August But after taking protective custody of the Governor on November 1, Brown would raise the Pakistani flag at his headquarters.
Later the Gilgit Scouts managed to bring Baltistan under their control. After India went to the UN and a series of resolutions were passed in the Security Council on the situation in Kashmir, Pakistan believed that neither G-B nor PoK should be annexed to Pakistan, as this could undermine the international case for a plebiscite in Kashmir.
It also reckons that in the event a plebiscite ever takes place in Kashmir, votes in G-B will be important too. While India has objected to the plan to make G-B a province of Pakistan and in the recent past asserted that it will take control of G-B, there is a realisation that it is impossible to change the map now. There will be no amendment to Article 1 of the Constitution which lists the provinces of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
The decision, however, is an acknowledgment of the importance of status quo as far as territorial control of the two countries of various parts of the former state, as it existed in before Partition, is concerned. This has merely reinforced the point that the borders as they stand today between the two countries will not change and future modalities have to reflect that. In Gilgit-Baltistan, there is an internal ethnic and sectarian diversity.
There is also the aspect of divided families. Baltistan has ethnic linkages with Kargil district of Ladakh and many Balti-speaking divided families live on both sides of the Line of Control.
Because of the Shia population in Gilgit-Baltistan and Kargil district, there is also the impact of Iran on the two regions as many youngsters on either side of the LoC go there to study. An important implication of granting provincial status to Gilgit-Baltistan is for the broader regional alliance between China and Pakistan. The Chinese-constructed Karakoram highway runs through the region. The tightly controlled region and the.
The grant of provincial status to the region will further incentivise China to build more infrastructural projects as the de facto reality becomes de jure within Pakistani polity.
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The proposed law is believed to suggest that because of its status as part of the unresolved Kashmir issue, Gilgit-Baltistan be given provisional provincial status by amending Article 1 of the Constitution. It is also said to have provisions for representation of the region in the National Assembly and the Senate. The change in status, when it happens, will meet a long-standing demand of the 1.
There is anger against Pakistan for unleashing sectarian militant groups that target Shias, but the predominant sentiment is that all this will improve once they are part of the Pakistani federation. There is a small movement for independence, but it has very little traction. Click here to join our channel indianexpress and stay updated with the latest headlines.
Nirupama Subramanian The move is well calculated, with political, economic and security aspects in mind, and designed to serve the interests of Islamabad as well as China, that has made huge investments in Pakistan. It will also have ramifications for the larger geo-political contours of the region. This is linked to the Kashmir question. The region, as part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, was under the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh when he signed the Instrument of Accession with India in October, However Pakistan occupied parts of the state through covert warfare in The fronts solidified gradually along what has come to be known as the Line of Control.
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